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Volume 3 Far East Story Chapter 490 Fierce Collision between Left and Right

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    With a trembling voice, Bukharin read the warning or ultimatum in the latest telegram sent by the Ufa Allied Forces. The entire Kremlin conference room exploded, and Kamenev and Zinovi also  Husband and Sverdlov were the most excited. Only Trotsky and Dzerzhinsky were livid and did not breathe. As for Bukharin, his hands were trembling with anger and he was breathing heavily.

    "Okay! Everyone, be quiet! It's great now. A random telegram sent by the Ufa Allied Forces can scare our members of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union into confusion. How can they lead the all-Russian Soviet power if this continues?  How can we lead the entire Bolshevik party? Our enemies don¡¯t even have to fight, and we will collapse just by sending a few telegrams a day!¡±

    Ulyanov stopped, waved his arm and drew a circle in the air with the index finger of his right hand, shouting in a series of Russian words.

    "Vladimir Ilyich, this is the Ufa coalition and the Chinese king trying to buy people's hearts and propaganda. We must not be fooled by them. If we follow the other side's baton, things will get out of control.  , I suggest that Comrade Dzerzhinsky¡¯s Cheka should act as soon as possible to declare the commanders and political commissars who laid down their arms and surrendered to the enemy on the right bank of the Volga River as traitors and enemies of the Soviet Union!¡±

    Bukharin was in charge of the propaganda and public opinion of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, and took over Comrade Ulyanov's position as editor-in-chief of "Pravda". When he shouted leftist slogans, he was more radical than anyone else. Of course, in 1918  In these bloody years across Russia, where various factions are fighting to the death, any weakness or appeasement towards the enemy will become a noose around one's neck.

    "The previous trials, exiles and shootings of the Ekh and Lezhevsky families are inherently debatable. There is no essential difference between the principles of the Soviet Red Army and those of major countries in the world. As for the issue of prisoners of war, we  I once again suggest that the Central Committee of the Soviet Union should consider carefully. If we engage in implication and expand the suppression of counter-revolutionaries in the treatment of the families of prisoners of war, the brave and unyielding Red Army soldiers, including commanders and ordinary soldiers, will be sent to the hostile forces!  "

    Trotsky, Chairman of the Supreme Revolutionary Military Committee, spoke with a gloomy face. Last time, Trotsky told other Central Committee members headed by Ulyanov on how to treat the families of captured senior generals of the Soviet Red Army.  He resisted to a certain extent against his extreme approach, but finally compromised. This time he was not going to give up easily.

    When Kamenev and Zinoviev saw Trotsky's words, their impassioned emotions just now calmed down. For them, it was not that they opposed Trotsky's moderate ideas, but that they opposed Trotsky's moderate ideas.  It is unacceptable that the Ufa-Ufa coalition, as an enemy and a third-party force, actually dictates the internal affairs of Soviet Russia.

    This is in line with Bukharin and Sverdlov's iron-blooded and ruthless declaring of captured personnel as traitors, arresting, interrogating, shooting and exile of their families. As a deterrent to the Soviet Red Army officers and soldiers, they were strictly ordered to rather die in battle than to surrender.  The methods of red-terror are essentially different.

    In fact, in Wang Geng's previous life, during World War II, the Austrian corporal, like the Georgian blacksmith, could not tolerate his team laying down their weapons and surrendering when they were in trouble. They would rather all of them die in battle, and they gave almost the same orders.  Don't take a step back!

    For Wang Geng, he adheres to the attitude of the major Allied countries such as Britain, the United States and France towards the capture of their own soldiers. When they run out of ammunition and food and cannot continue fighting, they can put down their weapons and walk into the other party's prisoner camp to wait for negotiations or exchange of prisoners.  , but you are never allowed to turn the gun, nor are the captured personnel allowed to betray the secrets of their own troops. Except for your military branch, rank and name, nothing else is allowed to be revealed.

    At the same time, Wang Geng's request for the coalition forces was that when commanders at all levels must surrender, they can order their troops to surrender after notifying their superiors or headquarters, but lower-level commanders and soldiers can  You can choose to accept the order or not. For the coalition, every soldier has the freedom to choose to fight to the end!

    The military honor of China's participating armies has gradually become a huge spiritual pillar for the officers and men of the Chinese Army. In this case, commanders at all levels or ordinary soldiers of the Chinese Army have the sacred right to choose to fight until the last moment.  .

    ¡°Lev Davydovich, I have to remind you that any unnecessary tolerance for the enemy will seriously damage or even ruin our great cause. The Soviet must defend it with thunder and thunder of blood and fire!

    We must not tolerate the Soviet Red Army, the Tsarist Russian Army, or the armies of other countries in the world, who casually lay down their weapons and surrender. For the Soviet Union, every Red Army soldier should fight until the last moment of his life, rather than lay down his weapons and surrender!  "

    The words of the Chairman of the Supreme Revolutionary Military Council obviously did not move Bukharin. This guy was the first to shout with his hands flying and saliva flying.

    ?In the conference room, Sverdlov and Dzerzhinsky both had livid faces and said nothing, but the expressions on their faces showed that they would never accept Trotsky's point of view easily. In their view, red -  Terror is a powerful guarantee to deter enemies and weak and wavering elements within the ranks. Giving up these tough to somewhat cruel and indiscriminate methods will greatly weaken the Soviet's combat effectiveness and tenacity!

    "Okay! This issue has already been quarreled last time because of the handling of Ekh and Lezhevsky after they were captured. It doesn't make much sense to argue again now. The Soviet Red Army must maintain the purity and integrity of the Bolsheviks.  Advancement, every commander and every soldier should fight until the last breath! Life does not stop and the fight does not stop! Any act of surrendering to the enemy is betrayal!"

    Ulyanov also had a livid face and waved his hands to emphasize that the Soviet Red Army did not accept the concept of Red Army prisoners of war. Anyone who laid down their arms was a traitor. The liquidation of them and their families was a necessary means to purify the Soviet ranks. There was nothing wrong with it.  Fight for it!

    Obviously, Trotsky didn't know what to say for a moment because of the tough statement of the Chairman of the Soviet Central Committee. The conference room suddenly became quiet. Kamenev and Zinoviev certainly had different views, but in Trotsky's case,  At this moment when Lotsky closed his mouth and paced back and forth sulking, the two of them didn't know how to speak, especially when Comrade Ulyanov's words were very serious.

    "What should we do now? Just put the telegram from the Ufa coalition forces aside and ignore it? Declare all the prisoners captured in the Battle of Ufa to be traitors to the Soviet Union, and continue to arrest, try, shoot and exile their family members?" In the end, he added  Minev asked slowly after being silent for a while.

    "Just do it this way. The Soviet Red Army does not need cowards and wavering traitors. These people will lay down their weapons when facing the enemy this time, and they will lay down their weapons next time when the situation is unfavorable. How can people with such a weak will become brave and fearless Soviet Russia?"  How can the Red Army soldiers defend the Soviet Union?" Bukharin shouted with a look of indignation and spittle flying around.

    "Nikolai Ivanovich, this won't work. It really won't work. Facts have proved that there is no equivalence between whether we are captured alive by the enemy and whether we betray our cause. If we are dealing with Soviet Russia  The Red Army¡¯s policy on captured personnel is still so extreme and inhumane. It will only help our enemies and push more of our own people to the enemy¡¯s side, which will fall into the trap of the Ufa Allied Forces!¡±

    It was Zinoviev who spoke. In the Central Committee of Soviet Russia, Zinoviev could be regarded as an expert on Asian issues, and he had in-depth research on both China and Japan.

    Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev was born in Ukraine on September 11, 1883, a Jew.  This guy had never received any systematic school education since he was a child. He began to join the labor movement in South Russia in the late 1890s and joined the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1901.  He went abroad in 1902 and participated in the international workers' movement in Berlin, Paris and Bern.  In July 1903, at the second congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, he sided with the Bolsheviks.

    Zinoviev returned to Russia in 1905 and engaged in revolutionary propaganda work in Petersburg. During the Russian Revolution of 1905, he went to Kronstadt to organize the sailors' uprising, which was the first time he made a huge contribution to the party.  contribute.  In 1906, he served as a member of the Petersburg Party Committee. In 1907, he attended the Fifth Congress of the Bolshevik Party in London and was elected as a member of the Central Committee.

    After the failure of the Russian Revolution from 1905 to 1907, he went underground and participated in the editing work of the central organ newspaper "Social-Democrat". In 1908, he was arrested by the Tsarist police.  In the summer of the same year, he went abroad again and participated in the editing work of the Bolshevik newspaper "Proletarian" led by Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov.

    Shortly after the start of the European War, the young man went to Switzerland to work for the "Social-Democrat" newspaper. He co-authored the book "War and Ism" with Ulyanov, and together with Kamenev became the leader of Ulyanov's newspaper at that time.  Comrade Husband's assistant and close comrade-in-arms.

    Zinoviev returned to the country in April 1917, worked in the Petrograd Soviet, and served as deputy editor-in-chief of Pravda, the party's central organ.  In October, he was elected as a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee.

    During the preparations for the October Revolution, he opposed the holding of an armed uprising. Together with Kamenev, he issued a statement in the non-party newspaper "New Life" announcing that he was withdrawing from the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party because of his opposition to the plan for an armed uprising. This was in fact  Notifying the enemy of the uprising plan, he was severely criticized by Ulyanov and the Party Central Committee. As a result, Kamenev and Zinoviev fell from their positions as the third or fourth bosses in the party.

    And this non-party newspaper "New Life" was founded and edited by the famous Alexei Maximovich Pishkov, a classmate of Maxim Gorky.

    Although Ulyanov later ostensibly forgave these two former book businessmen,They were close comrades-in-arms and assistants, but the inner estrangement always lingered. Later, Sverdlov, Joseph and Dzerzhinsky were re-employed, perhaps because they needed new followers to fill the gap between Kamenev and Ji.  Noviev and his absence gradually drifted apart.

    This Zinoviev was also a man who believed in truth and was not afraid of superiority. After the October Revolution, he advocated the establishment of a coalition government with the participation of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. He was once again criticized by Ulyanov.  and criticism from the Central Committee, but precisely because of this, he was elected chairman of the Petrograd Soviet in December last year.

    Because last year, the Soviets in various places were still an organization jointly elected by multiple parties and factions, and they were far from the level where the Bolsheviks became a dominant force!

    Although Zinoviev did not go to any serious university, he was a self-taught man with a strong ability to combine theory and practice. Otherwise, he would not have been able to co-author the book "War and Ism" with Ulyanov.  ", let alone become the deputy editor of "Pravda".

    You must know that before the October Revolution, Ulyanov had always been the concurrent editor-in-chief of Pravda, the organ of the Bolshevik Party Central Committee, and most of the actual work was done by Zinoviev, who served as deputy editor.  Comrade Haring, this guy only took over the post of editor-in-chief of Pravda when Ulyanov resigned after the October Revolution.

    As a left-wing theoretician within the Bolshevik Party and the Central Committee, Bukharin, who studied at the Moscow Law Department, was naturally unwilling to take Zinoviev, a right-wing deputy editor with no formal higher education, in his eyes. Although Zinoviev  Yefu's ranking and influence in the party were much stronger than Bukharin's at that time.

    Now Zinoviev has come forward to question Bukharin, but in fact the target of the attack is Ulyanov's policy on the prisoner of war issue. This requires great courage and eloquence. It is very difficult for a small leftist leader to compromise easily.  , However, Zinoviev felt that on the issue of prisoners of war, we must argue with reason again, otherwise, it will be too late for everyone in the future!
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