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- As soon as Sverdlov said this, the conference room exploded. Bukharin was the first to jump out and shout,
"We must issue the strongest protest to the Volga Federation as soon as possible. We ceded the entire lower Volga including Tsaritsyn to them. We are not letting them join forces with Kolchak to deal with us. We must take advantage of China. The king understands that if the Volga Federation does not abide by its neutrality, we will no longer recognize the existing borders and the "Samara Peace Treaty", and we will use all our people to organize millions of Soviet Red Army troops to regain the lost territory and destroy the Volga Federation!"
Don't tell me, even though Bukharin shouted so fiercely without caring about his body, Zinoviev and Bubnov's hearts were really fooled so much, and Chicherin had a look on his face when he heard this. He smiled bitterly, cursing in his mind that the editor-in-chief of Pravda was used to deceiving people by writing articles and editorials all day long. How could he arm millions of troops at a time when Russia was suffering from famine, had no friends, and the whole world was hostile? Any idea how long it would take to produce millions of rifles? Do you know how much food is needed to feed an army of millions?
"Ji" Noviev was just stunned for a moment, and then he obviously frowned and couldn't help complaining, "Nikolai Ivanovich, I'm afraid you wrote a propaganda editorial in Pravda." You're talking, right? Who dares to provoke the Allied Forces on the Eastern Front and the King of China? Don't underestimate the Volga Federation. Even if the Volga Federation is just a puppet, it now occupies the fertile land granary in the middle and lower reaches of the Volga River. , Tsaritsyn¡¯s heavy industry!¡±
"The oil in the North Caucasus, the coal in Donbass, the copper and iron mines in Kursk are all supported by the China-Japanese Alliance and the Allied Powers, and the other side has formed 8 army groups with at least 300,000 people of the Bundeswehr. Never mind. Have you ever been a prisoner, but now you are considered a veteran. Before we can gather rifles and food and ammunition to feed millions of new troops, the other party may just take Moscow. You are not afraid of being out of reach when you shout slogans like this! Tongue?¡±
Zinoviev's words are harsh, but they are also true. These days, those who dare to threaten the king of China are so big in the world and there are many countries stronger than China. But obviously, the Soviet government and the Soviet Red Army "I definitely don't have the confidence and strength now," "If you are bold but don't have the confidence and strength, you will always be humiliating yourself by talking big words to provoke powerful enemies.
Of course, it is unknown whether it is because Zinoviev¡¯s ranking in the party is higher than that of Bukhalin, but he is a deputy editor of Pravda and is subject to Bukharin¡¯s run.
Zinoviev is not a simple leader. This guy and Kamenev were previously ranked in the top five on the Central Committee. At this time, Kamenev went to the front line to serve as the commander of the Volga Front due to a sudden misstep. Although the political commissar held the title of Central Committee member, he was not re-elected as a member of the Politburo. Instead, Zinoviev once again entered the Politburo of the new Central Committee as a member of the Central Committee and Chairman of the Moscow Soviet.
Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev (1883-1936) Zinoie, Grigorie Tongueich, first chairman of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, early leader of Soviet Russia, leader of the new opposition within the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) One of the main representatives. Born in Ukraine on September 11, 1883, Jewish. He has not received any systematic school education since he was a child.
19 "Beiyang 1917 Chapter 742 (1) Requires a two-thirds majority" In the late 1990s, he began to join the workers' movement in South Russia. In 1901, he joined the Russian Socialist Labor Party. He went abroad in 1902 and participated in the international workers' movement in Berlin, Paris and Bern. At the Second Congress of the Russian Socialist Labor Party in July 1903, he sided with the Bolsheviks. He returned to China in 1905, engaged in revolutionary propaganda work in Petersburg, and went to Kronstadt to organize the sailors' uprising.
In 1906, he served as a member of the Petersburg Party Committee. In 1907, he attended the Fifth Congress of the Party held in London and was elected as a member of the central committee. After the failure of the Russian Revolution from 1905 to 1907, he went underground and participated in the editing work of the party's central organ "Socialist". In 1908, he was arrested by the tsarist police for a time. In the summer of the same year, he went abroad again and participated in the editing work of the Bolshevik newspaper "Proletarian" led by Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov.
During the First World War, he went to Switzerland to participate in the work of "Socialist" and co-authored the book "War and Socialism" with Ulyanov. He returned to China in April 1917, worked in the Petrograd Soviet, and served as deputy editor-in-chief of Pravda, the party's central organ. In October, he was elected as a member of the "Beiyang 1917" committee of the Central Political Bureau. During the preparations for the October Revolution, he opposed the holding of an armed uprising. Together with L. Kamenev, he published an article in the non-party newspaper "New Life" and leaked the uprising plan, which was severely criticized by Ulyanov and the Soviet Party Central Committee.
After the October Revolution, Zinoviev was once again criticized by the party for advocating the establishment of a joint government with the participation of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. In December, he was elected chairman of the Petrograd Soviet. Supported Ulyanov on the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty.
Of course, at this moment, Zinoviev is still such a wise and confused guy, that is to say, he sees very clearly in small things, but at critical moments, he often makes some self-righteous actions and judgments. Last year The October Revolution is a clear example. However, Zinoviev and Kamenev were elected to the Politburo at the same time before the October Revolution last year. Joseph's ranking in the party was quite low at the time, but in Ulyan When Nov was angry and wanted to expel the two "traitors" Zinoviev and Kamenev, it was Joseph and Sverdlov who were determined not to unite.
The reason Joseph used to oppose Ulyanov¡¯s expulsion of two people against the ¡°entertainment show¡± was actually that the Politburo is the executive body of the Central Committee and has no right to expel Central Committee members elected by the Congress! Not even the chairman of the Zhongyang Committee could do it. Of course, the far-fetched reason that Comrade Joseph had found at the beginning actually created hidden dangers for himself. After the All-Russian Bolshevik Congress elected a new Zhongyang Committee after the October Revolution, Uri Yanov did not forget to make the following changes to the party's charter:
Members of the zhongy¨¡ng committee are elected by the National Congress. However, during the period when the congress is not in session, a zhongy¨¡ng committee member can be removed from his position with the consent of more than half of the zhongy¨¡ng committee members. To remove the chairman of the zhongy¨¡ng committee, more than two-thirds are required. majority.
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