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Volume 3 Far East Story Chapter 762 (1) The choice before us

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    The choice before us now is whether, in order to protect the 41st Infantry Division under heavy siege by Kolchak, we should proactively contact the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Volga Federation and declare a ten-kilometer radius around the town of Bazar Nesezgan as a non-military buffer.  area and require the Volga Federation to ensure the safety of our personnel in the demilitarized buffer zone!  "

    Zinoviev, member of the Soviet Central Committee and Chairman of the Moscow Soviet, obviously wanted to change the subject for his old friend Kamenev who was suffering in Nizhny Novgorod, and pointed out the crux of the problem sharply,

    "Comrades, the Volga Military District and the Front obviously do not intend to sacrifice the remainder of the 41st Infantry Division that was besieged in the town of Nesezgan in Bazar. However, when there is no hope of a breakout, they are left to Tkachev and his infantry.  The 41st Division was completely wiped out by the enemy. It was better to save the country and save them! The attitude of Kamenev and Voroshilov was very clear. They were not afraid of running out of firewood while leaving the green hills. This was actually in line with the request of the Front Army Headquarters.  The 1st Kameshin Infantry Division and the 1st Timoshenko Cavalry Division led by Vlov have the same nature of retreating into the non-military buffer zone to avoid the enemy's edge when necessary! "",

    ¡°The Bolsheviks must fight to the last breath, the commanders and soldiers of the Soviet Red Army must have the consciousness to sacrifice for their doctrine and ideals, and Cheka members at all levels must firmly control the team under the leadership of political commissars. Look, this is still the Soviet Union.  The Russian Red Army? Comrade Trotsky, is this still the brave and fearless Red Army you created?" Look

    The battle on the southern front of Gidis had only been fought for two days when the troops were surrounded everywhere by Kolchak's White Guards. As soon as they were surrounded, they said they could not break out of the encirclement. Once they were surrounded, they said they would withdraw to the demilitarized buffer zone and become the leader of the Volga Federation.  Prisoners, how can the army continue to fight hard at this rate?

    What should we do next time when there is no demilitarized buffer zone next to the battlefield?  If Kolchak returns to Nizhny Novgorod, will Voroshilov and Kamenev apply to the central government to designate Nizhny Novgorod as a demilitarized buffer zone and give it to the Volga Federation?  !  "Bukharin, as the People's Propaganda Commissar of the Soviet Union and the editor-in-chief of "Pravda", spoke at length and incessantly in the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. There are really few people who can say it better. §êw§ë

    "What Comrade Bukharin said makes sense. Comrade Sverdlov, you are the commander of the Volga Military District and the Front. What do you think of the question raised by Bukharin? If the Volga Front encounters difficulties and sacrifices, use  If we use this method to escape, I¡¯m afraid that after a few battles, the Volga Front troops will not be wiped out by Kolchak¡¯s White Guards, but they will all enter the Volga Federation¡¯s prisoner-of-war camp!¡±

    Ulyanov, Chairman of the People's Commissar of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party of the Soviet Union, frowned, turned around and kicked the ball to his close comrade-in-arms, Sverdlov, who was now the third most powerful person in the party.

    Sverdlov's full name was Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov. He was born on June 3, 1885, less than two months after his 33rd birthday. As a member of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)  ) and one of the leaders of Soviet Russia. In Wang Geng's previous life, Sverdlov had always been a close comrade-in-arms of Comrade Ulyanov and had extremely strong organizational skills within the party.  During the October Revolution last year, he was the liaison between all parties and ensured that Comrade Ulyanov's line was implemented throughout Russia and that the Soviets in all regions acted in a unified manner.

    After the success of the October Revolution, Sverdlov succeeded Kamenev as the "Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of Soviet Russia" and was the first nominal head of state of the Soviet Russian government.  In Wang Geng's previous life, Sverdlov personally implemented the "red-terror" policy after Ulyanov was assassinated in 1918.

    After Sverdlov died suddenly due to the Spanish flu in 1919, all leaders of Soviet Russia were greatly saddened. Ulyanov said at the Soviet Congress: "Sverdlov's absence is immeasurable for the Soviets.  In the future, we will have to organize another organization with dozens of people to complete the work of one person."

    Of course, due to the emergence of the butterfly Wang Geng, history has completely changed its trajectory. Although penicillin shield cannot eliminate the Spanish flu virus, as the world's first specific antibiotic, the advent of penicillin has greatly reduced the spread of the Spanish flu virus.  Complications and pneumonia harm human life and health. At the same time, the patriotic health campaign launched by the King of China in China uses a series of health quarantine and treatment methods such as port temperature measurement, designated isolation, disinfection, and centralized treatment to prevent it to the greatest extent.  The attack of the Spanish devil.

    As for Sverdlov, at this time, it was obvious that he had gradually evolved from Comrade Ulyanov¡¯s closest comrade-in-arms to a member of the Troika within the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. This made Ulyanov, Trots  The relationship between Key and Sverdlov became quite delicate and sensitive.

    Trotsky's spirit of dedication and his center-right tendency of united front and reconciliation could ensure that Soviet Russia would not be seriously damaged by the one-sided left-leaning strategy. Ulyan, who was originally an extreme leftist,  Nov and Sverdlov played the roles of center left and left respectively.However, Ulyanov relied on his huge prestige and contribution within the party, as well as his status as Chairman of the Central Committee, to stand above Trotsky and Sverdlov. As for Sverdlov, after losing his opponent  After Dzerzhinsky and the actual leadership of the Cheka, the focus was on intra-party organizational work and control of the army, especially the Volga Military District and the Front.

    Within the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, the person who rose fastest in the rankings was Dzerzhinsky, who entered the new Politburo of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. He replaced the commander of the Volga Military District who was sent to Nizhny Novgorod.  Kamenev, who was also political commissar of the Front Army, became one of the five-member Politburo members, ranking, of course, after Ulyanov, Trotsky, Sverdlov and Zinoviev.

    Due to the butterfly effect, Sverdlov had the flu before but quickly recovered smoothly under the protection of penicillin, and Comrade Ulyanov had not yet been assassinated, so whether Dzerzhinsky or Sverdlov  It¡¯s good that the Cheka, including the Cheka under their leadership, has not yet implemented the bloody counter-revolutionary policy of ¡°Red Terror¡± throughout Russia, or in other words, Comrade Sverdlov and Comrade Dzerzhinsky have not yet reached the extreme.  Go up to the left position.

    Of course, it was precisely because Sverdlov concurrently served as the commander of the Volga Military District and the Front Army, and single-handedly controlled the main front force of the Soviet Red Army east of Moscow. This made Ulyanov alert and moved his original position in the Soviet Central Committee  Dzerzhinsky, who ranked low in the Central Committee, was promoted to the Politburo, and the Chairman of Cheka will be directly responsible to the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union and will no longer need to report to Sverdlov. In fact, it serves as a means of balance and restraint.  , while Sverdlov's military power rose, he was deprived of his authority to command the Cheka.

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