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Volume 3 Far East Story Chapter 762 (3) Civilian Camp to be Screened

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    The so-called leftist faction actually existed for a short period of time. It mainly refers to the persistent faction headed by H.B. Bukharin that emerged in the debate on the conclusion of the "Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty" within the Russian Bolshevik Party in early 1918.  Bolsheviks with "leftist" views.  §êw§ë

    On January 21, 1918, §£n Ulyanov read out the "Outline on the Immediate Conclusion of a Separate Peace Treaty for the Separation of Territories" at a meeting of the Central Committee and Party Cadres attended by 63 people.

    Due to the long delay in the peace negotiations between Soviet Russia and the German-Austrian bloc in Brest-Litovsk on December 3, 1917, and the German army pressing on the border, Soviet Russia encountered difficulties in all aspects of politics, economy, and military.  It was extremely difficult, and the German revolution that was originally expected to break out soon did not become a reality. Lenin gave up the previously established peace negotiation principles of no cession of territory, no indemnity and recognition of the right of national self-determination, and advocated accepting Germany¡¯s harsh peace conditions and immediately concluding a separate  A humiliating peace treaty in order to win breathing space and preserve and consolidate Soviet power.

    When the meeting entered into discussion, the 63-member Central Committee members and party cadres were divided into three groups: 15 people who supported Ulyanov¡¯s theses;  There were 16 people who advocated the tactic of "demobilizing and returning home but not signing a peace treaty" and "no war, no peace" and 32 people who advocated the continuation of the so-called revolutionary war.

    The main representatives of this group are Bukharin, K§¢ Radek and G§¤§­ Pitakov, and also include some Party Central Committee members, alternate Central Committee members, people's commissars and local party and government leaders AC Bubnov, a  Lomov, §¿ Osinsky, ea Preobrazhensky, NH Stukov, etc.

    ??Leftists believe:

    The Russian revolution will be destroyed if it is not saved by the international revolution; it must "end peace negotiations with imperialist Germany and sever all diplomatic relations with all legally licensed bandits in all countries in the world" and "immediately establish a revolutionary volunteer army to fight for  "The ideas of international socialism wage a ruthless war with the bourgeoisie of the world" and realize world revolution in one fell swoop; although signing a peace treaty can preserve one's own socialist republic, it will give up the good opportunity of the international movement. For the benefit of the international revolution, even if it is lost  The present Soviet power, which is a mere formality, is also appropriate.

    The leftists were centered on the party's Moscow Regional Bureau, which led 14 provincial party organizations at that time, and received support from leaders of party organizations in Petrograd, Ural and other places. They successively published the "Petrograd" newspaper, March 5, 1918~  On the 19th, a total of 11 issues were published and "Ze" magazine Moscow, from April 20 to June 1918, a total of 4 issues were published.

    The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Russia, headed by Ulyanov, asked all parties to the dispute to state their views in the press, and held repeated discussions at party meetings many times to resolve the issue through voting.  As a result, Bukharin was unable to lead the Soviet Central Committee forward after Ulyanov resigned and stepped down. As the situation continued to change, the Ulyanov faction turned from a minority to a majority, and the leftists turned from a majority to a minority.  .

    When Trotsky and Joseph both agreed to invite Ulyanovsky back, Bukharin sadly handed over the chair of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, which he had only held for a few days, and the leftists basically gave up.  out of the original unrealistic position.  Finally, when the Bolshevik Party Central Committee discussed the new ultimatum proposed by Germany, Ulyanov's idea was adopted by the Party Central Committee.  Finally, the Soviet Union and Germany and Austria signed the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty.

    The 7th Bolshevik Party Congress and the 9th Extraordinary Congress of the All-Russian Soviet recognized and approved the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty through legal procedures. After that, Bubnov, a former leftist supporter and member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, acted as  Representative of the Central Committee, he was sent back to the Ukrainian Soviet government in the Ukrainian organization. In March 1918, he served as a member of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Bolshevik Party, a member of the Ukrainian Soviet government, and chairman of the Ukrainian Soviet.

    Of course, Bubnov's good days as a local leader in Ukraine did not last long. Kharkiv fell under the attack of the Simon Petliura National Army supported by the German and Austrian occupying forces, and Bubnov and his  His subordinates Voroshilov and Chernavin, who had a tense relationship with each other, led the troops to withdraw eastward to Tsaritsyn and joined the Soviet North Caucasus Military District and the Southern Front.

    Unlike Voroshilov, Chernavin and other Red Army military cadres who were promoted and reused by Joseph, chairman of the Revolutionary Military Committee of the North Caucasus Military District and military commissar of the Southern Front, who was also a member of the Central Committee, their qualifications and status were not as high as Joseph's potential.  Novov only received a false position as chairman of the Tsaritsyn Soviet and was unable to continue to insert his hands into the Southern Front.

    Of course, Bubnov, who was hanging around in Tsaritsyn with his tail between his legs, still held the title and identity of a member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, and after parting ways with the leftists, Bubnov¡¯s next destination was to come to Tsaritsyn.  Trotsky, the No. 2 figure in the Central Committee of the Soviet Union who inspected the front lines and supervised the war, and Chairman of the Supreme Military Council of the Soviet Union.

    This also made Moscow later liquidate the Tsaritsyn faction and the Southern Front¡¯s mountainous doctrine issue.Bubnov, the chairman of the Tsaritsyn Soviet who was recalled to Moscow, not only was not implicated, but continued to hold the position of member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, and replaced the National People's Commissar of the Soviet People's Committee left after Joseph was dismissed.  At the same time, under Trotsky's arrangement, he took over the position of commander of the Moscow Garrison District left by Kamenev's political commissar of the Volga Front.

    "Andrei Sergeyevich, neither the Army Group Headquarters in Gidis nor the Front Headquarters as far away as Nizhny Novgorod, forced Pavlov and Timoshenko into the demilitarized buffer  As a prisoner of the Volga Federation, if you can break out of the encirclement, you should of course break out. If you can't break out of the encirclement, in order to retain the fire of the revolution, entering the non-military buffer zone to save the country is a last resort!

    The basis of all this is that our Soviet Russia and the Volga Federation are not in a state of war. Although it sounds a bit embarrassing, the Volga Federation currently remains neutral and strictly abides by the "Samara Peace Treaty" signed with us. Since  The Volga Federation is not an enemy, so even if the Soviet Red Army enters the demilitarized buffer zone and lays down its weapons, it cannot be regarded as surrendering to the enemy or becoming a prisoner of war. It is just that it is temporarily unable to act without authorization under the supervision of the Volga Federation army!  That camp is also called a civilian camp to be screened and not a prisoner of war camp!  "

    ¡á¡á
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