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Volume 3 Far East Story Chapter 762 (4) Kamenev is not simple

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    The person who stood up to refute Bubnov was his partner in Moscow who had recently become closer to Bubnov, Chairman of the Moscow Soviet Zinoviev. Zinoviev was also a member of the Politburo and a member of the Political Bureau, responsible for  Administrative and logistical support work for the entire capital, Moscow, and also serves as deputy editor-in-chief of "Pravda".  //fastest update//

    Zinoviev and Kamenev are the two most intellectuals in the Central Committee of Soviet Russia, or in other words, they are the two most fearless members in the pursuit of truth. This has happened since before the October Revolution.  They did not hesitate to announce their resignation from the Central Committee because of their opposition to the uprising, and published a statement in the non-party newspaper "New Life" where Gorky was the editor-in-chief. It can be seen that both of them are pursuers of truth who are not only superior but not powerful.

    Kamenev was in fact Ulyanov's closest assistant and follower during his exile. Lev Borisovich Kamenev was born in 1883. His father was a railway driver at the time.  He later studied at the Petersburg Polytechnic, and after graduation became the chief engineer of a small nail factory near Landvorovo Station in Vilna Province.

    After the February Revolution of 1917, Kamenev returned to Petrograd from Siberia. He was elected as a member of the Central Committee together with Zinoviev at the April Bolshevik Congress and served as editor of Pravda with Stalin.  position.  He also served as a deputy to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet until the eve of the October Revolution.

    At the Bolshevik Central Committee meeting held on October 10, 1917, the resolution on armed uprising drafted by Ulyanov was discussed and adopted.  During the vote, Zinoviev and Kamenev voted against.  After the meeting, they wrote a letter "On the Current Situation" to Petrograd, Moscow and other party organizations, stating their reasons for opposing the immediate uprising. They believed that the enemy was strong, the revolutionary force was weak, and the uprising lacked guarantee of victory.

    At the enlarged meeting of the Central Committee held on October 16, Zinoviev and Kamenev continued to oppose the armed uprising and accused it of being a conspiracy strategy.  In the "Letter to Comrades" written by Ulyanov the next day, he denounced the behavior of both of them.  Not only did Zinoviev and Kamenev not change their attitude against armed uprising, they even went so far as to seriously undermine party discipline. On October 18, they publicly expressed their opposition to armed uprising in the form of speeches.

    This is tantamount to leaking to the Provisional Government the decisions of the Central Committee of the Party on armed uprisings, on preparing for armed uprisings, and on choosing a date for uprisings to keep secrets from the enemy.  Ulyanov believed that the two of them were outright scabs and suggested that the central government expel them from the party.

    At the Central Committee meeting held on October 20, no decision was made on the punishment of Zinoviev and Kamenev. The reason was that neither Sverdlov nor Joseph agreed to do so, and they emphasized that the Central Committee had no power to expel Zinoviev and Kamenev.  Party membership must be approved by the All-Russian Party Congress, but Kamenev and Zinoviev are ordered not to make any statements against the decisions of the Central Committee and the work line prescribed by it.

    The rapidly developing revolutionary situation later prompted both of them to gradually correct their mistakes. Kamenev directly participated in the preparations for the armed uprising, and Zinoviev also made self-criticism.  At the Central Committee meeting held on October 24, Kamenev reported to the Central Committee the technical preparations for the uprising.  On October 25, the Bolshevik Party led an armed uprising to victory.  Since their differences with Ulyanov were eliminated on the eve of the October Revolution, they were still trusted by Ulyanov after the revolution and continued to hold important positions.

    ?According to Lenin's proposal, Kamenev was elected chairman at the Second Congress of Soviets and served as chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet.

    In mid-November 1917, when the All-Russian Railway Union Executive Committee controlled by the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries opposed the Soviet power, Kamenev was ordered to negotiate with the General Executive Committee of the Railways as a representative of the Bolshevik Party, but he actually once again  Contrary to Ulyanov's guidelines, he made unprincipled concessions to the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. He even agreed to accept the request to establish an all-socialist government and discussed with them the nomination of right-wing Socialist Revolutionaries.  The issue of the head of government allowed the Bolsheviks to play an insignificant role in this government.

    Kamenev believed that in order to expand the mass base of the Soviet power, it was necessary to establish a coalition government of all parties. At the same time, the All-Russian Railway Union Executive Committee, headed by the All-Russian Railway Union Executive Committee, also requested the Bolsheviks, the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and other parties to form a coalition government and organize  The radical Ulyanov and Trotsky were expelled from the government.  Kamenev and Zinoviev thought they could negotiate.  But Ulyanov believed that what was needed now was not negotiation but sending troops to Moscow, and together with Trotsky he persuaded other committee members to reach a resolution not to negotiate.

    In response, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov,Five people, including Liu Ting and He Nogen, resigned from the Central Committee.  Kamenev also resigned as chairman of the All-Russian Executive Committee.  In mid-November, Lenin issued an ultimatum to the minority, requiring them to obey the Central Committee or be expelled from the party. In December, Kamenev admitted his mistake and returned to work on the Central Committee.

    After the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party dismissed Kamenev as Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov took over as Chairman of the Executive Committee.  After Kamenev left office, he once participated in the Russian Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty delegation to negotiate with Germany.  During the interruption of negotiations, in early 1918, entrusted by Ulyanov, he secretly went to Britain and France to introduce the situation and tasks of Soviet Russia.  A week later, on the way back to the country, he fell into the hands of the White Army and was imprisoned. Later, he returned to the country as a prisoner of war exchange.

    This is also the reason why Kamenev failed to appear on the Central Committee's voting list during the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty negotiations. At this time, he was languishing in the prisoner of war camp waiting for the exchange of prisoners of war.

    After Kamenev returned to Moscow, he was elected chairman of the Moscow Soviet.  In Wang Geng's previous life in 1919, when Soviet Russia was in a very difficult period of civil war, Kamenev visited the front lines as a special commissioner of the National Defense Committee.  During Ulyanov's serious illness, Kamenev was appointed First Vice Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and Vice Chairman of the Committee of Labor and Defense and Chairman of the Politburo meetings, often presiding over Politburo meetings.

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