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Volume 3 Far East Story Chapter 762 (5) Soviet Russia with a Gathering of Elites

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    Although Kamenev made many serious mistakes and was severely criticized and reprimanded by Ulyanov, after these mistakes were corrected, he was still trusted by Ulyanov and remained in the Bolshevik Party and the government.  Still has a high prestige.

    In Wang Geng¡¯s previous life, Ulyanov had agreed during his lifetime that Kamenev would be responsible for the publication of "The Complete Works of Ulyanov".  This is the first time that "The Complete Works of Ulyanov" has been published in Soviet Russia.  Later, during his illness, Ulyanov gave his personal archives to Kamenev.  This archive later developed into the V. I. Lenin Institute, with Kamenev as its director.

    Due to the major setback of the Soviet Red Army in the Battle of Ufa, especially the rise of the Southern Front and Tsaritsin, Kamenev, a member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union who was directly involved in organizing and commanding the October Revolution last year, realized that there was something inside the barrel of a gun.  The unbreakable truth is to gain political power, so after discussing with Zinoviev, this guy believed that he should participate in the construction and command of the local Soviet Red Army, and he should effectively control and build a main front army for the Soviet Party Central Committee.  This is to avoid a recurrence of the situation like Tsaritsyn and the Southern Front¡¯s overwhelming challenge to the central authority.

    As early as last year's October Revolution, Zinoviev and Kamenev were elected members of the Central Committee and entered the Politburo at the same time. Although Zinoviev had never attended university like Kamenev,  Department of Journalism at Moscow State University, but this self-taught intellectual possessed profound knowledge and keen observation.

    Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev 1883¡«1936zinoie,grigorieseeich was born in Ukraine on September 11, 1883, a Jew.  He has not received any systematic school education since he was a child.  In the late 1890s, he began to join the labor movement in Southern Russia.  In 1901, he joined the Russian Socialist Labor Party.  He went abroad in 1902 and participated in the international workers' movement in Berlin, Paris and Bern.

    During the First World War, he went to Switzerland to participate in the work of "Socialist" and co-authored the book "War and Socialism" with Ulyanov.  He returned to China in April 1917, worked in the Petrograd Soviet, and served as deputy editor-in-chief of Pravda, the party's central organ.  In October, he was elected as a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.

    Then he and Kamenev opposed the armed uprising during the preparations for the October Revolution. Together with Kamenev, he published an article in the non-party newspaper "New Life" and leaked the uprising plan, which was criticized by Lenin and the Party Central Committee.  harsh criticism.  After the October Revolution, he was criticized again by the party for advocating the establishment of a coalition government with the participation of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries.

    But this did not prevent Zinoviev from being elected chairman of the Petrograd Soviet in December 1917. Fortunately, this guy supported Ulyanov on the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty.  After the capital was moved to Moscow, Kamenev served as Chairman of the Moscow Soviet, while Zinoviev served as Commander of the Moscow Garrison District. Their positions were exchanged not long after Muravyov's rebellion. The reason was that  Kamenev was seeking to serve as the commander of the Eastern Front, so he left the responsibility of chairman of the Moscow Soviet to Zinoviev and concurrently served as the commander of the garrison.

    However, Central Committee member Kamenev's wishful thinking failed to come true. On the one hand, after the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty, Comrade Ulyanov, who returned to the position of chairman of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, could not do without Kamenev.  On the other hand, Trotsky was obviously more optimistic about former Tsarist Russian military experts like Vatsedis to command Soviet Russia, which was in urgent need of regularization.  Red Army Eastern Front.

    Kamenev's desire to be sent abroad to command a Soviet Red Army front was partially satisfied until Moscow solved the problem of Joseph's Shantouism. Comrade Sverdlov, Vice Chairman of the Supreme Military Council of the Soviet Union, also served as the newly established  The commander of the Volga Front, and Lev Borisovich Kamenev was appointed as the political commissar of the Volga Military District and the Front. Due to Sverdlov's busy work in charge of the Moscow Central Secretariat, he could not escape.

    Comrade Kamenev, political commissar of the Volga Military District and Front Army, became the central representative sent by the Moscow Central Committee to actually control the Soviet Red Army's main front army headquartered in Nizhny Novgorod. Although the military aspect was controlled by the deputy commander of the front army  Voroshilov, who was also the second political commissar, was in charge, but Kamenev, the member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union and the first political commissar, had the final veto power.

    The post of commander of the Moscow Garrison District that was vacated after Kamenev took office in Nizhny Novgorod was handed over to Bubnov, who had already taken over as the People's Commissar of Nationalities, at Trotsky's initiative.

    Publicly and privately, Zinoviev was Kamenev's closest partner and supporter in the Moscow Central Committee. In fact, if Kamenev had not been determined to go to the front and participate in military work, he would have stayed in Moscow.  If so, then the member of the new Politburo of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union will not be Zinoviev but Kamenev.

    In Wang GengIn the 20th century, when the Central Committee of the Soviet Union confirmed the Politburo as the highest leadership body at the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party in March 1919 in order to exercise power during the recess of the Central Committee, Kamenev and Ulyanov  , Trotsky, Joseph, and Dzerzhinsky were elected as members of the Politburo. In this time and space, the five-member Politburo emerged as the highest leadership body eight months earlier than in the previous life.

    Of course, Comrade Joseph is still under house arrest and introspection after leaving power, and Comrade Sverdlov has not disappeared due to the Spanish flu. Therefore, the new Supreme Leader of the Soviet Central Committee elected after July 15  Among the five members of the Politburo, Ulyanov, Trotsky, and Sverdlov were the troika, followed by Zinoviev who replaced Kamenev, and finally the party  Dzerzhinsky, the Cheka leader who rose fastest in the internal rankings.

    As the former Chairman of the Petersburg Soviet and the current Chairman of the Moscow Soviet, as a close assistant who co-authored the book "War and Socialism" with Ulyanov, and as someone who always supported Ulyanov's ideas during the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty negotiations.  Followers, it was no surprise that Zinoviev was elected to the Politburo.

    The reason why Ulyanov was known as a true revolutionary and leader in Wang Geng's previous life is inseparable from his broad mind, which can unite the vast majority of people around Ulyanov.  Member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, no one would suspect that this little leader had any selfish thoughts to seek power and wealth for himself. Kamenev and Zinoviev were both 35 years old and in the prime of life at this time. As Uri  One of Yanov's most important assistants is a bit like a spoiled child. Although he often makes mistakes, Ulyanov never beats him to death with a stick. Instead, he is a good comrade who knows his mistakes and can correct them.

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